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Jewish Political Studies Review Abstracts
Volume 6, Numbers 1-2 (Spring 5754/1994)
Max Weber provided an important methodological tool for the
modern study of the Jewish political tradition: a predominantly
socio-political analysis of Israelite covenants. Yet in
emphasizing a functional analysis of covenanting, Weber
problematized covenant as a theological concept. Arriving at an
appropriate balance of political and theological elements in the
analysis and interpretation of covenant is crucial to any
adequate account of the Jewish political tradition. This essay
offers an explication of Weber's views, a contemporary critique
of them by Julius Guttmann, who was sensitive to the
methodological problem, and a challenge to future writing on the
Jewish political tradition.
John Selden, one of seventeenth century England's foremost
jurists and legal scholars, wrote many monographs treating the
interrelationship between the universe of the Hebrew Bible and
that of contemporary Protestant Europe. As we demonstrate,
Selden analogized relations among the states of Europe to
relations among the biblical nations. Indeed, in defining and in
applying the concept of sovereignty to the modern world, Selden
relied heavily on the biblical ideal of artificial boundaries and
separations in international relations, even locating the very
origins of sovereignty in the biblical narrative's affirmation of
the principle of boundaries. Most significantly, as we argue, in
connecting the principle of sovereignty to the ideal of
boundaries, Selden captured in geo-political terms the very
essence of the Calvinist worldview, appropriated from the Hebrews
and rooted in the austere monotheist system which they share.
This system compels man to create artificial boundaries and
separations in order to distinguish one entity from another as
the only means for protecting the gulf between man and God.
According to Louis Henkin, Selden articulated in Mare
Clausum a position that corresponded with England's political and
economic interests during the early part of the seventeenth
century. At that time, England was navally inferior to Holland,
on whose behalf Hugo Grotius, the founder of modern international
law, wrote Mare Liberum. Although, as James Brown Scott notes,
Grotius' work was a refutation of Spain and Portugal's exclusive
claims to the high seas, his arguments challenged as well
England's claims to dominion over the high seas to its south and
east. Thus, following the publication of Grotius' treatise, King
James I commissioned Selden to present a response on England's
behalf.
The politics surrounding Selden's Mare Clausum, indeed, the
entire problem of the law of the high seas and territorial
waters, is fundamental not only for establishing Selden's status
as an important figure during the founding decades of modern
international relations, but for validating the now ignored
biblical origins of the modern international political system.
As such, it is worth mentioning that Henkin describes the dispute
between Grotius and Selden as "a famous controversy in
international law," suggesting as well that Selden's line of
reasoning resonated among his contemporaries. In other words,
Scott's contention that Mare Clausum "has gone
under...[because]...it is heavy and water-logged" is perhaps true
only in part. Mare Clausum has gone under because it was sunk by
a world unwilling to recognize the origins of its structure in
the biblical principle of boundaries and separations.
Gersonides (1288-1344) is consistent in seeing the pure life
of the mind as the highest end to which a human being can aspire.
Maimonides (1138-1204) certainly presented the vita contemplativa
as a crucially important goal but made room in his view of the
perfected life for what we would call today statesmanship or
politics. Gersonides' view is surprising because he refuses to
follow the Platonists in their call for some sort of integration
between the vita contemplativa and the vita activa, the
Aristotelians who called for their separation, or ibn Bajja in
his insistence that the philosopher withdraw from society.
Gersonides' singular view is delineated here by contrasting
his positions on prophecy, the imitation of God, and especially
the nature of the perfected life, with those of Maimonides. With
respect to the latter, in particular, Gersonides held that the
perfected life involved the study and teaching of the sciences.
In teaching science one is actively imitating God. One seeks out
students in order to imitate God (contra ibn Bajja); teaching
those students is not the unintended consequence of one's own
perfection (as with Maimonides) -- it is the very point of that
perfection.
It is suggested here that Gersonides' unusual position on
the place of politics in the perfected life reflects the
Christian culture which apparently framed his universe of
political discourse and it is to that culture, perhaps, that we
should look in seeking to understand his unusual position.
For over twenty years, the Jewish "projector" Daniel Rodriga
sought to convince the Venetian government that it could revive
its declining commerce with the Levant, which had once been the
source of the greatness of Venice, and thereby also greatly
increase its diminishing customs revenues, by issuing a charter
allowing Levantine and Ponentine Jews (the euphemism used for
Iberian New Christians) to settle in Venice as Venetian subjects.
Finally, in 1589, the Venetian government responded favorably, as
the Senate approved, for ten years, a slightly changed version of
a charter-text that Rodriga had proposed. The Venetian government
was pleased with the results, and consequently, at Rodriga's
request, it routinely renewed the charter for another ten years
in 1598. Five years later, in 1603, Rodriga died, but the special
privileges which he had secured for Jewish merchants in Venice
were to remain in effect until the end of the Republic in 1797.
This article will examine the complex discussions and
negotiations over the renewal of the second charter of 1598,
which are of special interest because they yield considerable
insight into many complex issues, including the general attitude
of the Venetian government toward the Jewish merchants, the
economic activities of the merchants, their relationships with
the Jewish moneylenders living in Venice, the arrangements for
their residence in the ghetto, and a sharp conflict regarding
jurisdiction over them between two Venetian magistracies. Thus
this article serves as a contribution to Jewish history, to
Venetian history, and to economic history.
The Nazi persecution of German Jewry between 1933 and 1939
elicited a strong response from virtually every corner of the
Jewish world. Jewish responses were, however, limited by the
political and economic weaknesses of diaspora Jewish communities
at the time. Lacking a strong-willed defender, the Jewish
communities were able to undertake only limited rescue actions.
Moreover, even such actions as were undertaken elicited
considerable differences of opinion among Jewish leaders and
communal activists. This essay elucidates some of the options for
action that were available to diaspora Jews in the 1930s, seeking
to place the failure to rescue German (and later, European) Jewry
into its proper historical and analytical context.
Anthropologists believe that cultures operate as whole
systems and that subsystems such as religions cannot be
understood outside the context of the larger culture in which
they operate. Religion, then, is simply an analytical category
that bounds certain behavior clusters, but does not encompass the
totality of a culture. Postmodernists espouse "a wariness toward
generalizations which transcend the boundaries of culture and
reason." Together, these two methods of inquiry suggest that it
is not possible to separate religion from culture or knowledge
from the particular "knower."
Postmodern thought insists attention be paid to multiple
realities that exist on the ground in time and space. Applied to
Jewish feminist scholarship, it demands that we understand the
relationship between Jewish-American feminism and Judaisms (even
feminisms) that exist, and have existed, in history.
Postmodernism requires that we make contemporary Jewish feminism
an object of study and relinquish the comfort of a "God's eye
view" that privileges our ideal egalitarian Judaism as morally
superior. This essay examines how anthropology has been
developing a postmodern social science and how anthropological
methods and thought have been useful in examining Jewish gender
systems and Jewish feminist theory.
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