Skip to content
Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
Strategic Alliances for a Secure, Connected, and Prosperous Region

Anti-Semitism in Hungary

Filed under: Antisemitism, World Jewry
Publication: Post-Holocaust and Anti-Semitism

No. 104

  • Anti-Semitism reemerged in Hungary after the transition to democracy in 1989. There is, however, a notable difference between its earlier manifestations in the 1990s and recent developments. Traditional anti-Semitism has resurfaced and received an institutional framework, while verbal and physical aggression against Jews and Roma has intensified.
  • One of the major representatives of this institutionalized ideology is the openly anti-Semitic, anti-Roma party Jobbik, which received 17 percent of the vote in the April 2010 national elections. Jobbik’s popularity and its ties to paramilitary organizations are unique in the European Union. The Jobbik-affiliated far-right media is deeply embedded in the extremist circles and regularly presents anti-Semitic, racist, inciting content.
  • The far-right subculture plays a major role in the institutionalization of Hungarian anti-Semitism and extremism. This subculture ranges from nationalist shops – where one can find Nazi, neo-Nazi, and fascist literature along with pagan and wartime pro-Nazi, Hungarist symbols – to radical-nationalist and neo-Nazi festivals and events. Judging by its manifestations, the far-right subculture is deeply infected with aggressive, revisionist, neo-Nazi, and racist ideology, and has been able to promote this without any serious consequences throughout the country over the past decade.
  • The emergence of Jobbik enabled extremist organizations, far-right subculture and media, and marginalized extreme-right anti-Semitism to become part of the mainstream public discourse. The wave of violence in recent years must be understood within this context. The phenomenon in itself calls for immediate intervention, but in the greater historical perspective, the picture is worrying.

Historical Background

In 1918, as a result of World War I, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, established by the Compromise of 1867, collapsed. During the four decades of the dual monarchy, Hungarian Jewry had gained emancipation and were highly successful in many spheres such as education, medicine, the commercial and industrial sectors, and sport. After a nonviolent revolution, the Republic of Hungary was proclaimed in November 1918 and Count Mihály Károlyi became president.

On 21 March 1919, the communists took power and the Hungarian Soviet Republic was established. The communists led by Béla Kun instituted a totalitarian dictatorship, the first communist one outside Russia. Their rule was accompanied by a violent campaign, generally referred to as the “red terror,” against elements perceived as hostile to the regime.

The brief 133-day-long communist period is an important reference point for far-right circles in their accusations against Hungarian Jewry. Indeed, a significant number of those who played a role in the communist dictatorship were of Jewish descent, including Kun himself.[1] However, far-right ideologists ignore the fact that in the name of communism the Bolsheviks attacked and oppressed any opposing ideology, including Judaism. This is also confirmed by the anti-Semitic outbursts among the delegates at the party congress, which were so blatant that even the party secretary Béla Kun himself had to take actions against them.[2]

When the communists took power in March, large parts of Hungary were under military occupation by the surrounding countries. Initially the Hungarian Red Army led a successful campaign against the Czechoslovak forces in northern Hungary. However, by summer the army was defeated by the Romanians coming from the east. Subsequently the communist dictatorship fell and Kun fled the country.

When the Romanians evacuated Budapest in November 1919, Miklós Horthy entered at the head of the counterrevolutionary National Army (“White”) militia, which was established in May in the southern city of Szeged as an opposition to communist rule. They advocated violence against a “Judeo-Bolshevik” enemy, an expression borrowed from the White forces of the Russian Civil War and here given plausibility by the fact that twenty of Kun’s twenty-six ministers and vice-ministers were Jews.[3]

In 1920 Horthy was declared regent and head of state. The first couple of years of his rule saw violent retaliations primarily against communists, social democrats, and Jews. The Whites promptly massacred many leftists and Jews, while many others were forced into coercive “labor service units” to build roads (these units were later revived to maltreat Jews during World War II).[4] On 4 June 1920, the peace treaty between Hungary and the Allied forces was signed in Versailles at the Palace of Trianon. As a result of the Treaty of Trianon, Hungary lost 65 percent of its territory and almost half of its population.[5] This was a major shock and a national tragedy.

During the Horthy era several anti-Jewish legislations were passed. Already in 1920 a numerus clausus was introduced at universities to restrict the number of Jews to their proportion in Hungary at that time (6 percent). The rate of Jewish students in various faculties had often reached 30-40 percent.[6] Anti-Jewish policies grew more repressive in the 1930s as Hungary’s leaders chose to align with the fascist governments of Germany and Italy in order to regain the lost territories. Hungary indeed got back part of southern Czechoslovakia and Subcarpathia in 1938 and northern Transylvania in 1940.

After 1938 Hungary passed a series of anti-Jewish legislations based on Germany’s Nuremberg Laws affecting also Jews living in these reclaimed territories. In 1941 Hungary entered World War II on the side of Nazi Germany, supporting its invasion of Yugoslavia and of the Soviet Union a few months later. Hungary was occupied on 19 March 1944, after the Nazis found out that the Hungarians were conducting separate peace negotiations with the Allied powers.

Before the German occupation of Hungary, around one hundred thousand  Jewish men were mobilized for forced labor in which approximately forty thousand perished.[7] Some massacres took place as well, such as in Novi Sad. Ghettoization and deportation did not start, however, until the German occupation. The deportation of some 437,000 Hungarian Jews in the countryside took place in just eight weeks with the full cooperation of the Hungarian establishment.

Horthy remained in power until the coup d’état led by the Arrow Cross fascist party in October 1944. The Arrow Cross led by Ferenc Szálasi murdered thousands of Jews from Budapest on the banks of the Danube; tens of thousands were marched hundreds of miles toward the Austrian border. In all, some 565,000 Hungarian Jews were murdered during World War II.[8] According to a survey of the World Jewish Congress, in 1946 the Hungarian Jewish population numbered 143,624.[9]

The Soviet Red Army liberated Budapest in January 1945. After the defeat of Nazi Germany, Hungary became part of the Soviet sphere of influence and by 1948 a Stalinist dictatorship had been established. Since once again many communist leaders were of Jewish background, many Hungarians perceived this brutal dictatorship as a “Jewish revenge.”[10] The death of Stalin in 1953 led to an uncertain period until 1956, when Hungarians rose up against the communist government and Soviet occupation. However, the Soviet army returned after two weeks and the revolt was quickly crushed. Subsequently thousands of Jews fled the country.[11]

After the retaliations that followed the revolt, the government led by János Kádár created a relatively stable state, with a more consolidated communist political system. In 1989 Hungary became a democracy after the parliament adopted legislation providing for multiparty parliamentary elections. Although there is no exact data available, most estimates put the number of Jews now living in Hungary at around one hundred thousand, most of them in Budapest.

Communism and the Transition to Democracy

During communism in Hungary, anti-Semitism was not present in the formal, open sense. The ruling elite made sure that after World War II all anti-Semitic literature was destroyed, since it represented the fascist-Hungarist ideology. However, in some of the deeper layers of society the same anti-Semitic attitudes remained. This was clearly demonstrated when cracks appeared on the surface of the system, such as during the Hungarian Revolution of 1956.[12]

Although anti-Semitism was not a central issue during the revolution,  dozens of anti-Jewish atrocities took place.[13] According to Hungarian sociologist András Kovács, anti-Semitism was kept under the carpet from 1948 to 1956, but when the government lost its control in 1956 personal and collective anti-Jewish violence was unleashed.[14] The eventual transition to democracy, however, was exceptional in Hungarian history for its peaceful nature. For the previous 160 years almost every important political and economic turn had been accompanied by serious anti-Semitic manifestations or even pogroms.[15]

The same cannot be said of anti-Zionism, which was constantly present during communism. In the simple black-and-white logic of the communists, the Jewish state took on the role of the “oppressor” while the Arab countries, notably “Palestine,” were viewed as the “oppressed.” According to this logic, it was the communists’ task to side with the oppressed because ultimate justice could only be achieved through their liberation.[16] Although the government described itself as anti-Zionist, the communist system did not regard this political-ideological structure as anti-Semitic. “Hungarian communism, however, unlike the Soviet version, did not translate its ‘anti-Zionist’ policy into rhetoric of retribution against Jews living in the country.”[17]

Nevertheless, the fact that the communist regime swept anti-Semitism under the carpet had a controversial and negative effect on the general knowledge about the Holocaust. In a recent interview Hungarian philosopher Ágnes Heller noted that for a long time during communism, one was not supposed to discuss Auschwitz; people spoke of fascism and not of National Socialism. No differentiation was made between fascism and Nazism. There was only the former, and the fascists killed communists and socialists. Only toward the end of the 1980 could one describe Jews as the major victims of the Nazis. Until then, people only spoke of concentration camps where communists and antifascists were imprisoned and murdered.[18] A 2003 survey also confirmed Hungarians’ weak awareness of the Holocaust, with only 2 percent having more substantial knowledge. [19]

The overall picture was also degraded by the demonization of Israel. By the time of the democratic transition, Hungarian society was accustomed to the idea that the Jewish state was evil.[20] Thus a very uncertain and narrow borderline was created between communist anti-Zionism and traditional anti-Semitism. Even though the regime was not openly hostile toward Hungarian Jews, anti-Zionism somehow became a technique to express anti-Semitic views, and manifestations related to these terms often merged or confused them. This anti-Zionist policy may be one of the reasons why the anti-Semitic discourse emerged almost immediately after the regime change. It first appeared sporadically, then developed into a coherent narrative. First surfacing in a series of isolated manifestations, it later evolved into a branch of institutionalized politics.[21]

Anti-Semitism Reemerges

As noted, during the transition anti-Semitism appeared almost immediately. This was so both on the periphery and in the mainstream. On the periphery, anti-Semitic and neo-Nazi groups emerged and were supported by Hungarian fascists living abroad who had emigrated after World War II.[22] The ideologists of the Hungarian neo-Nazis and Hungarists included extreme-right publicists and writers who revived the traditional anti-Semitism very quickly. The newspapers Hunnia Füzetek (Hunnia Magazine) and Szent Korona (Holy Crown), established in the early 1990s, were the first to bring back the motifs of traditional anti-Semitism and merge them with postwar elements, especially Holocaust denial.[23] These papers published anti-Semitic articles about the continuity of Jewish rule, the internationally supported Jewish occupation of Hungary, the Jewish-communist[24] revenge for the persecution of Jews, and they also denied the Holocaust.[25] In 1991 Szent Korona was fined for inciting ethnic hatred.[26]

In the mainstream, according to Kovács, anti-Semitism became prominent in the public discourse conducted by intellectuals who had played a significant role in Hungarian culture since the 1960s, taken part in the anticommunist opposition’s activities, and figured importantly in political life after the 1989 regime change.[27] Their expressions were not published in marginal venues but, rather, in central forums of public life. Hence, their texts helped create the language that later became the “public language” of anti-Semitism and of discussing the “Jewish problem.” [28]

István Csurka played a pivotal role in this process of introducing first coded, later increasingly open anti-Semitic rhetoric into the public discourse. Csurka was a member of the first democratically elected parliament, representing the then-governing MDF (Hungarian Democratic Forum). His rhetoric mainly featured the traditional elements of Jew-hatred, describing them as occupiers, anti-Hungarians, and international conspirators. As a member of the board of MDF at that time, Csurka stated in the Hungarian Radio’s Sunday Newsprogram: “Wake up, Hungary! We are again being misled! The revolution has occurred, we are in a period of many of those like Béla Kun, even if Lenin is being scolded by the new Lenin boys….”[29]

The language Csurka used clearly manifested both traditional and new Hungarian anti-Semitic motifs and attitudes. In one of his later appearances he spoke of “a people tormented by a financial lobby.” He subsequently wrote about “Jewish occupation,” “the Holocaust myth,” and “the allocation of the world by international Jewry.”[30] A prominent Hungarian journalist, commenting on one of Csurka’s articles that are published in the Magyar Fórum weekly, noted that his ideology based on racism, discrimination, along with antiliberal, antidemocratic, anticommunist, and anti-Semitic elements perfectly met the requirements of Nazi ideology.[31]

After internal disputes within MDF, Csurka was expelled and he established a far-right party, MIÉP (Hungarian Justice and Life Party). The language used in MIÉP’s Magyar Fórum, edited by Csurka, has followed the same anti-Semitic line. According to a study, the paper published almost ninety articles dealing with Jewish topics in 2001 and these articles interpreted Hungarian political, economic, and social developments exclusively within Csurka’s anti-Semitic framework.[32] Csurka and his associates understand the connotations of the word anti-Semitism in the post-Holocaust world and denounce accusations of anti-Semitism against them. Nevertheless, they propagate anti-Semitic ideas.[33]

These new anti-Semitic views are well reflected in the language used by Lóránt Hegedűs, Jr., a practicing Calvinist clergyman and vice-president of MIÉP in 2001. In an article that year he argued that:

Since it is impossible to smoke out every Palestinian from the banks of the Jordan using Fascist methods that often imitate the Nazis themselves, they [the Jews] are returning to the banks of the Danube…so hear, Hungarians, the message of the 1000th year of the Christian Hungarian state, based on 1000 ancient rights and legal continuity, the only one leading you to life: EXCLUDE THEM! BECAUSE IF YOU DON’T, THEY WILL DO IT TO YOU![34]

Institutionalized Anti-Semitism: Jobbik and Its Circles

Jobbik, The Movement for a Better Hungary evolved from the Right-Wing Youth Association, which was founded by college students in 1999 and developed into a party in 2003. After MIÉP faded into the background, Jobbik became the most well-known formation of the Hungarian extreme right. In the 2009 elections to the European Parliament, Jobbik received 15 percent of the votes within Hungary and won three seats.[35]

In Hungary’s 2010 parliamentary elections, Jobbik obtained 16.67 percent of the popular votes and became the third strongest faction in the parliament. The former ruling MSZP, which had been the socialist governing party since 2002, received only 19.3 percent, their worst parliamentary-elections result since 1990. The center-right Fidesz Party drew 52.73% and thus gained over two-thirds of the parliamentary seats. Of the 386 seats Fidesz won 263, the ousted MSZP 59, Jobbik 47, and the LMP Green Party (4.2%) 16.[36]

Jobbik considers it necessary to restore a constitution based on the medieval “Doctrine of the Holy Crown.” Their political platform, among other issues, demands the nationalization of certain crucial sectors; the revision of privatization; “a halt to the mass immigration of groups that are incapable of social assimilation”; state registration of church marriages; compulsory moral or religious Christian education in primary and high schools; and the recognition of the Stripes of the House of Árpád (a medieval dynasty) as a national symbol. It was also Jobbik that reintroduced the expression “Gypsy crime,”[37] which had been in use before the regime change. All these have been elements of nationalistic aspirations for the past twenty years. The language of Jobbik’s platform, however, avoids inflammatory messages that are very commonly expressed by party members.

Jobbik’s Promotion of Extremism

In his speech on 23 October 2008 for the annual commemoration of the 1956 revolt, Jobbik’s chairman Gábor Vona stated that he would invite observers from the Revolutionary Guard of Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to oversee the fairness of the elections.[38] He was apparently referring both to the 2009 EU and 2010 parliamentary elections. He added that if Jobbik gained power, it would eliminate both major commercial channels in Hungary, TV2 and RTL Klub. Far-right circles regard these media as “anti-Hungarian, Jewish, anti-Christian.”[39] Vona is also chairman of the Hungarian Guard, to be discussed later.

In an interview for the weekly HVG, the journalist called one of Jobbik’s vice-chairmen, Levente Murányi, a Nazi for his extreme racist views. Murányi proudly accepted this and stated that he was a “Nazi, a fascist, an anti-Semite if that is what is necessary to represent the ‘true Hungarian’ interests and the sanctity of the thousand-year-old Hungarian state.” Murányi later concluded that “if this is Nazi ideology then I can live with that.”[40] In the interview he also referred to the Holocaust-denial law: “now they accepted the muzzle-law. This is outrageous, this is a huge audaciousness, they say there is anti-Semitism here. Well, not yet, but there would be a demand for it for sure.”[41]

Almost at the same time, in March 2010, graffiti appeared in different places saying: “There was no Holocaust, but there would be a demand for it!”[42] The slogan first appeared on the side of the synagogue in Gyöngyös, then later in Balassagyarmat.[43] Comments also started emerging in online forums denying the Holocaust in the same extremely anti-Semitic fashion.[44] An article on the official site of Jobbik’s local organization in Gyöngyös also used extreme rhetoric, claiming that “the Jews practice openly anti-Christian propaganda in Hungary, colonizing our land. The Jews crucified Jesus Christ, and they are still proud of this deed. The Jews conspire against the leader of Christianity, Pope Benedict, and concerning the Holocaust one should mention the genocide of Palestinians.”[45]

Another vice-chairman of Jobbik, Előd Novák, who is also one of the editors of the anti-Semitic site, joked about the Holocaust-denial law in a speech in parliament: “We accept the numbers [of Jewish victims of the Holocaust] for there is nothing we can do since it is guaranteed by law; however, we do not agree. Even if it [Holocaust denial] is prohibited, at least it should be researchable, and in the worst case the results could be classified if the research team were to come up with different numbers.”[46]

The Magyar Gárda (Hungarian Guard)

The members of this group wear a uniform of black pants and vests with white shirts, and a cap emblazoned with a medieval coat of arms with the “Árpád Stripe.”[47] This Árpád Stripe symbol is generally used by the Hungarian neo-Nazi,[48] fascist,[49] and Hungarist[50] organizations and movements. This Árpád Stripe also resembles the emblem of the Arrow Cross,[51] the abovementioned Hungarian Nazi party that briefly ruled Hungary toward the end of World War II.[52]

The Arrow Cross murdered thousands of Jews and deported many more to Nazi death camps. In September 2007 Hungarian president László Sólyom asked to refrain from using the Árpád Stripe so as to respect both the victims and the survivors.[53] A month before Sólyom’s speech, socialist prime minister Ferenc Gyurcsány had asked the country’s chief prosecutor to “closely monitor” Jobbik and the Hungarian Guard.[54] Prior to Gyurcsány’s request, Jewish groups, including the World Jewish Congress, had condemned the founding of the guard and called on the Hungarian government to act against it.[55] Leaders and ex-leaders of the guard often openly engage in anti-Semitic and anti-Roma incitement as well as Holocaust denial[56] or banalization.

In 2009 a scandalous, widely publicized recruitment for the Hungarian Guard took place in the village of Solt. During it the guard’s regional captain András Draskovics said he believed the world was ruled by the Jews. As he put it, “the Jews only need two billion people, the other four billion are not needed.” The rest, he claimed, would be “sprayed on.” The captain also asserted that most of what is said today about Auschwitz and Buchenwald is not true.[57] According to Vona, “the words were the private opinion of Draskovics. However, many people agree with his opinion throughout the whole country.”[58] Vona also emphasized that he did not think Draskovics’s statement amounted to Holocaust denial, and added that the Jewish state pursued apartheid policies.[59]

In 2008 the Hungarian Guard underwent a split. In 2009 its new wing, the Hungarian Guard Keepers Movement, organized a Holocaust-denial march into the castle of Buda one day before the annual Holocaust-remembrance event, the March of the Living in Budapest. Mátyás Dósa, captain of this group, stated that there was no Holocaust and declared the march a “struggle against Zionist world domination.” The next day the police opened an investigation into the march, and the minister of education and culture, in a speech in parliament, declared Holocaust denial a crime and urged that parliament do so as well.[60]

Traditional and Modern Anti-Semitic Motifs

The main extremist narrative revived many if not all of the old anti-Semitic notions. The rhetoric has, however, been updated and expanded. The traditional accusations and motifs include such phrases as Jewish occupation, international Jewish conspiracy, Jewish responsibility for the Trianon tragedy, Judeo-Bolshevism, as well as blood libels against Jews. Recently this has been augmented with the Palestinization of the Hungarian people,[61] the reemergence of the blood libel,[62] and an increase in Holocaust relativization and denial. It is also claimed that Israelis – the old narrative was “international Jewry” – are grabbing Hungarian land for future colonization,[63] while the monetary crisis has revived references to the “Jewish banker class.”[64]

The Palestinization Motif

The charge of Palestinization seems to be mostly a revival of the communist-era anti-Zionism. This ideology, however, underwent an innovation that the “Zionist crimes” are no longer limited to the Middle East but also extend to Hungary. Advocates of this notion promote the theme that the alleged “genocide” of the Palestinians and the fate of Hungarians have many parallels between them. One of the major proponents of this institutionalized ideology is Jobbik. The movement’s popularity and its ties with paramilitary organizations are unique in the European Union. The Jobbik-affiliated far-right media is deeply embedded in the extremist circles and regularly presents anti-Semitic, racist, inciting content.

“Israel is not a unitary state…and there are many similarities between their [Palestinians’] and Hungarians’ fate” [65] said Tamás Nagy Gaudi, one of Jobbik’s emblematic figures. Vona said after the EU elections that Jobbik’s “victory” was great, for he had felt as if they were fighting with “Palestinian slingshots against the Israeli military helicopters.”[66]

One of the key ideologists of Palestinization is Krisztina Morvai, who has often gained attention for her anti-Zionist and anti-Semitic outbursts. She is currently a Jobbik representative in the European Parliament, and she was also the party’s candidate for president of Hungary. In a letter to the Israeli ambassador to Hungary after Operation Cast Lead, she stated: “I am asking you to share my emotions, and be a bit ashamed, and also convince your colleagues, the leaders and supporters of Israel to do the same. Stop the exterminations, the mass murdering of children and stop infecting the world with the ‘culture’ of hatred and violence.”[67]

At a political rally last April in front of the private residence of then-prime minister Gordon Bajnai, Morvai said that during a Palestinian conference she had received much encouragement “in line with the expression of Christian love…. I have met many Palestinian people, many fine fighters, Hamas members, Hezbollah leaders who have encouraged me much….”[68]

However, two weeks later the Palestinian Authority’s ambassador to Hungary, Ahmed Abdelrazec, distanced himself from Jobbik. This caused outrage in the far-right media, the party, and its supporters. The April issue of the Jewish magazine Szombat featured an interview with the ambassador where he emphasized that “they [the Palestinian Authority] do not accept the unsolicited support from the pro-Palestine and anti-Israeli groups or wish to establish any relationship with them either here in Hungary or in any other parts of the world. The extreme-right-wing ideology and racism is not only against the Jewish people but also against the Arabs and against Islam.” The ambassador added that the Palestinians “do not wish to be in partnership with racist people.”[69]

Like Morvai, Hegedűs is notorious for his outbursts. In a speech on the Hungarian national day, 15 March 2010, he claimed that the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad, “treated as a friendly secret service, is receiving help from the so-called Hungarian state apparatus to facilitate not only the Shimon Peres-led conquest, but the continued existence of the Israeli system of apartheid as well.”[70] According to Hegedűs,

at the forefront of this takeover is the church along with the high priests of the Federation of Hungarian Jewish Communities, who rub their hands like Caiaphas, try to silence those who think differently to guard the (undeniably important) dignity of the victims of the Holocaust, at the same time insulting today’s victims, as a religious denomination, justifying the unjustifiable: the genocide in Gaza committed by the Israeli army.[71]

Hegedűs’s wife was one of Jobbik’s candidates in a central district of Budapest, and it would be no surprise if the clergyman, who has shown continual support for Jobbik, became a leading candidate on its national list in the future. Credited to his wife is the Budapest screening in 2008 of Jud Süss,[72] one of the major anti-Semitic propaganda films of the Third Reich. This film was banned in Hungary in 1945.

There is also a notable parallel between the Hungarian Anti-Semitic Party’s rhetoric in the nineteenth century and the modern advocates of Palestinization. The Anti-Semitic Party, seeing the “successful activity of the local Jewry considered it an occupation of Hungary and irrationally feared that the Jews would turn Hungary into a New Palestine.”[73] This party’s views about the “invading pan-Judaism”[74] are very similar to the anti-Semitic narrative before and even after the Holocaust, with motifs such as “the Jews are occupying Hungary” and “international Jewry is against Hungarians.”

Israeli Occupation of Hungary

The traditional “invading pan-Judaism” and “international Jewry against Hungarians” have transformed into the accusation of “Israeli occupation.” This longstanding anti-Semitic allegation of an Israeli occupation has recently been bolstered by a misplaced remark of Israeli president Shimon Peres: “we are buying Manhattan, Hungary, Romania and Poland.”[75] Peres was expressing the success of Israel’s economy before an economic forum in Israel. The reaction to his words is an example of anti-Semites finding their “target person” and referring to his actual (or assumed) deeds or statements in seeking to demonstrate Israel’s intentions for world domination.[76]

Peres’s statement had a huge impact. Some far-right leaders spoke of a “Hungarian holocaust,” while other groups held Judeophobic demonstrations in front of the Israeli embassy. The presidium of the World Federation of Hungarians asserted in a letter to Peres: “in Hungary, the anti-Hungarian atrocities, committed by the gypsies, have grown in proportion to the growth of the Israeli occupation…. Mr. President, the World Federation of Hungarians calls upon you to immediately cease your politics of occupation in Hungary.”[77]

During a political rally Vona said a Hungarian holocaust had been underway since 2004. “They are waiting to repossess our houses, our cars. Some people already have called for a tender to liquidate Hungary.” His use of the word foreigners in the rest of the interview clearly indicated that the people he was referring to were Israeli investors.[78] Although these activists rail against anyone they deem harmful to Hungarian interests, including multinational corporations and foreign investors, they focus obsessively on Israeli businesses.[79]

Vona recurrently warns that if Jobbik attains power it will put an end to “the intention of the Jews to grab Hungarian agricultural land.” Recently he came up with a specific example: “If an applicant comes by the name of Solomon he will have to prove that he has been living in Hungary for the last 10 years. He will have to pass a high-level language test in Hungarian, and of course at this point he will have some wrinkles. Lastly, he will have to ask for the approval of ‘Head of State’ Krisztina Morvai, who has two kinds of stamps for this purpose: them and us.”[80]

In another speech Vona claimed that the “Jewish buy-up has started, openly encouraged by the prime minister [sic] of Israel, Shimon Peres.”[81]

Barikád, Jobbik’s weekly, depicted a prominent statue of a Catholic saint on a hill overlooking Budapest with a menorah in his hands instead of a cross. Barikád called on the inhabitants of Budapest to rise up, and asked its readers whether they wanted to have a Jewish-dominated Budapest. Such argumentation is similar to the propaganda used by the Arrow Cross in its day. Barikád wrote that “Israel is conquering positions in the Hungarian real estate market,” and, in an allusion to Peres’s statement, that there was “free-for-all looting in Judapest.”[82] Another article in the paper analyzes the “Palestinian holocaust.”[83]

Ex-Fidesz member Oszkár Molnár is a mayor in northern Hungary who has become infamous for his anti-Roma and anti-Semitic remarks. As a consequence he was excluded from Fidesz’s list of candidates for the current parliament. Molnár stated on television: “I’m a Hungarian nationalist. I love my homeland, love the Hungarians and give primacy to Hungarian interests over those of global capital – Jewish capital, if you like –   which wants to devour the entire world, especially Hungary.”[84] As proof of his assertion that Jews are plotting to take over Hungary, Molnár claimed he had discovered that students in Jerusalem were learning Hungarian, the language of their future homeland.[85] Indeed, for the Hungarian far right there is no difference between Jewish and Israeli occupation.[86]

The Trianon Tragedy, Anti-Hungarism, and “Judeo-Bolshevism”

The accusation that “the Jews are responsible” for the Trianon tragedy is still present in public discourse. This charge is linked with further allegations, of which the most important is that “the Jews are not Hungarians” and even “stand against the Christian Hungarians,” and did not fight for the nation in the war. It is claimed that during 1918-1919, at a decisive moment at the end of the war the “Jews were in power” and, either deliberately or out of inability, destroyed Hungary’s capacity to defend itself. The conclusion is that “they” are indifferent or even beneficiaries of the Trianon tragedy.[87] Just as in the Middle Ages the Jews were blamed for epidemics, here they once again are the scapegoats.[88] Historically each element of these allegations is inaccurate.[89]

One of the supreme proponents of these charges is István Csurka. He maintains that Hungary lost so much because of the conspiracy of Western states and the Jewish-led media, who induced a collapse by attacking Hungary from the inside and thus forcing itself to surrender.[90] He likes to identify the leaders of the Soviet government with Jewry and contemporary Jewish politicians, drawing parallels between the deeds of Soviet and Hungarian communists and of present-day politicians, while also indicating that such politicians are servants of “Jewish capital” and subordinate the country to the “colonizer powers.”[91]

Such manifestations are also found at online news portals and discussion forums. One of the major far-right portals published an article about Trianon titled “Jewish Names Everywhere: Who Are Responsible for Trianon and the Previous Brutalities?” The article claims that when on 21 March 1919 the Soviet Hungarian Republic was established, it was a Jewish dictatorship imposed on Hungary. This dictatorship then completely destroyed the country as the centuries-old aspirations of “foreign interests” and “Freemasonry” defeated the Catholic Kingdom.[92]

A widely known radical news agency, Hunhír, covered the Trianon memorial in June 2010, where Peter Feldmájer, president of the Federation of Hungarian Jewish Communities, among other Hungarian religious leaders gave a speech at the St. Stephan Cathedral in Budapest. When Feldmájer made a reference to the Holocaust, representatives of the far right exited the cathedral in a spectacular way. However, the comments of the Hunhír article were even more radical: “what are the filthy murderers of our lord Jesus doing in the Hungarian cathedral?”[93] “Hungary had only two tragedies: first letting the Jews and Gypsies in, second what it led to: Trianon.”[94] “They, the Freemasons, had prepared the splitting of our country. They also prepared World War II, and thus they could amass unprecedented wealth.”[95]

Increasing Anti-Roma Sentiment

Anti-Roma attitudes existed during communism as well. However, after the transition these quickly escalated into violence, sometimes including outright atrocities[96] and even racist serial killings.[97]

Surveys have found that most Hungarians harbor antipathy or preconceptions about their fellow Roma citizens. In a 2008 survey by the Progressive Institute, 81 percent favored forcefully assimilating Roma to Hungarian ways of life.[98] In a 2004 survey of history students in major Hungarian universities, one-third said Roma should be forced to live as the rest of the population.[99] The same proportion believed criminal inclinations among Roma were genetically determined,[100] and two-thirds said most Roma were not decent people.[101]

In addition to their other attitudes, Jobbik and the Hungarian Guard have a considerable anti-Roma emphasis. Jobbik’s most blatant outburst[102] took place in August 2010 when one of the party’s members of the European Parliament, as well as its mayoral candidate in Miskolc, announced that they would remove the criminals among the Roma from the city and lock them up in camps. The two also proposed that the government terminate these criminals’ Hungarian citizenship.[103]

The Hungarian Guard has also engaged in provocative anti-Roma  marches throughout the country,[104] mostly in villages densely populated by Roma.[105] Their goal, among others, was to counteract “Gypsy crime,” a phrase they have reintroduced after many decades into the public discourse. For purposes of security, they support capital punishment and the revival of the infamous Hungarian “gendarmerie.”

This was also the topic of the speakers at a 2009 Jobbik rally in Budapest. Vona said the “country is paralyzed by three types of crime: economic, political and ‘Gypsy crime.'”[106] He claimed that “Gypsy crime” was a criminological term and argued that these crimes called for “special handling.” Members of the Hungarian Guard were also present at the rally.[107] In July 2009 a court of appeal upheld a ruling from December that banned Jobbik[108] on grounds of using intimidation and violating the human rights of Roma villagers by holding threatening and sometimes violent rallies. However, since the case had been filed in 2007, there had been further rallies and marches against “Gypsy crime.”[109] Despite the court’s decision, the guard reestablished itself the following week.[110] De facto it continues to exist, exploiting legal loopholes by adopting slightly different names[111] and uniforms.[112]

Anti-Semitism in the Subculture

After the 1990 transition, the quickly emerging extreme-right subculture also strengthened the traditional anti-Roma attitude. A good many neo-Nazi, Hungarist, “nationalist rock” bands came into being in including HunterSS, White Storm, Endlösung, Blood Libel, Power and Vendetta, Romantic Aggression, New Order, Mos-OI, Stoned Cherry, and others. All of these have used extreme racist language and symbols. A song by Mos-OI threatens to turn the country into a “Gypsy-free zone.” It contains the lyrics: “the flamethrower is the only weapon I need to win, all Gypsies, adults and children we will annihilate, but we can kill all of them at once in unison, after it is done we can say it is a Gypsy-free zone.”[113] A song by White Storm proclaims: “let’s exterminate Gypsies!”[114] In their racist outlook, “every Gypsy is a criminal, there is only one solution for them: Auschwitz…. There is a cloud of dust above Poland, where every Gypsy is traveling in the sky.”[115]

These and many other bands perform at illegal concerts,[116] as well as at the infamous Magyar Sziget or Hungarian Island Festival.[117] This year marked the tenth time this summer camp for “nationalistic youth” was organized. The camp offers national-heritage competitions featuring archery, animal trailing, runic script, Hun cuisine, and so on, family and children’s programs, along with anti-Semitic and racist lectures that deny the Jewish identity of the historical Jesus and discuss the “Jewish world conspiracy.”

These events typically involve the use of banned symbols, uniforms, lyrics, banners, and signs, as well as an assortment of outright illegal activity[118] – comprising violent fights, atrocities against journalists, displaying banned symbols such as swastikas, inflammatory concerts and lectures, and so on. In 2009 several participants attacked the local Roma population, beating up two men.[119] In 2010 a dozen masked men brutally beat three other participants.[120] The media, in trying to cover the event, is constantly terrorized.[121] The chief organizer of this annual festival is a Jobbik member of parliament, Gyula Gy. Zagyva. He has several times threatened journalists lethally,[122] and in his latest scandal attacked journalists of the conservative-democratic Hetek weekly.[123] He has also menaced delegates in parliament.[124]

In 2010 the Hungarian Island Festival featured skinhead and other racist bands, [125] openly anti-Semitic lectures, [126] and even a neofascist Italian politician, Roberto Fiore,[127] formerly sentenced for terrorism in Italy.  According to the few journalists covering the event, one of the lecturers claimed that “the Jew is a master at lying,” that “the world of Jewish media leads people first into stealing chickens, then into higher-level crime,” and that “there are no words for love and science in the Hebrew language, only words that belong to the category of criminology.”[128]

Media presence at these events remains limited because of harassment and threats.[129] In 2009 the organizers proudly claimed that they forced the staff of TV2 to wear vests with dog feces and urine on them,[130] while this year the same channel was welcomed by a dozen masked men who leveled “fake guns” and real sabers at them while crying out “Deine Papieren, Jude!” (“Your documents, Jew!”) in German.[131]

This subculture is tightly meshed with the recent, strongly nationalistic demands for Trianon revisionism, a narrative that is extremely irredentist[132] and does not ignore anti-Semitic perspectives either. Followers of this subculture posit the ancient Hungarian[133] culture as superior. They follow their own syncretic religion, which merges pre-Christian Hungarian paganism with Christianity.[134] This stands in strong contrast to the traditional Judeo-Christian revelation. [135] In 2009 the episcopacy of the Hungarian Catholic Church issued a special circular alerting people to the dangers of this emerging neopaganism.[136] A good example for the neopagan syncretic religion is the abovementioned Protestant clergyman Lóránt Hegedűs, Jr. [137] In his church he has hosted irredentist literature competitions[138] and other occult and pagan programs,[139] as well as anti-Israeli, pro-Palestinian events.[140]

Publishers, such as the neo-Nazi Gede Brothers[141] and other, less radical agencies, were created to spread the ideology of these circles. Gede Brothers was also associated with the abovementioned screening of Jud Süss.[142]

Another segment of the subculture is the nationalist hobby associations, such as the “Goy motorists”[143] and the “Scythian motorcyclists,”[144] whose official names partly reflect their ideology. Other elements include the organized radical soccer fans, who voice racist and neo-Nazi slogans,[145] the more seriously organized group Pax Hungarica,[146] and the illegal paramilitary Hungarian National Front.[147] This group regularly runs violent camps for its members, who consider themselves followers of the fascist-Hungarist tradition.[148]

From 1997 to 1999 the Hungarian National Front was also the organizer of the neo-Nazi Tag der Ehre (Day of Honor) memorial event.[149] After 2003 the Hungarian neo-Nazis took over the organizing of the Day of Honor events. One of the most important of these neo-Nazi groups is the Hungarian wing of one of the main international neo-Nazi groups, named after the Hitlerjugend motto “Blood and Honor.” Even though this organization was disbanded by court order, it has continued to exist under a different name. In 2009, besides the Hungarists and the Hungarian neo-Nazis, many foreign groups such as the National Democratic Party of Germany[150] participated in the Day of Honor, which was also backed by the new wing of the Hungarian Guard,[151] known – as noted earlier – for blatant Holocaust denial.[152]

Jobbik also maintains close ties with the fascist-Hungarist subculture by backing[153] organizations such as the Army of Rascals,[154] the Hungarian National Guard,[155] and the Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement.[156] The leaders of the Hungarian National Guard, which is also affiliated with Jobbik and is the successor of the formerly banned Hungarian Guard, promote anti-Semitic and Holocaust-denial views.[157] The abovementioned splinter group took part, together with Hungarian and foreign neo-Nazis, in the 2009 Day of Honor event.[158]

The Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement is the organizer of the Hungarian Island Festival, and its former chairman László Toroczkai played a significant role in organizing the Army of Rascals.[159] In order to avoid legal proceedings, the Army of Rascals has not been officially established. Openly defining itself as antiestablishment, it is xenophobic, irredentist, and anti-Semitic. [160] Toroczkai was also editor in chief of the extremely inciting and anti-Semitic Magyar Jelen (Hungarian Present), until the paper was banned by a court injunction.[161] Toroczkai is also one of the main figures behind the 2006 antigovernment riots and was a failed Jobbik candidate for the 2010 municipal elections.[162]

Anti-Semitism in Hungarian Media

The anti-Zionism that ruled the mainstream discourse during communism did not disappear after the transition. Sometimes it reemerged in the form of anti-Semitism. In the early years after the transition, anti-Semitism in marginal, far-right papers and radio broadcasts was common but of limited impact. Mainstream publicists and newspapers, however, opened a new dimension for promoting the old anti-Semitic themes to the masses. Although the messages are often disguised as anti-Zionist, they are essentially anti-Semitic, evoking the old racist tradition and attitudes.

For instance, in an article in 2007, a publicist in Magyar Nemzet (Hungarian Nation) argues that there is continuity “from the Russian tanks to the Israeli water cannons.”[163] This parallel between the Soviet and the “Israeli occupation” reflects the far right’s “colonization” notions.

In some cases anti-Judaism is merged with anti-Zionism. A 2006 article stated about Israel: “this secular military-state refers to the Bible only for her territory claims; however, the message of the Holy Scriptures is much more than that. For it is also written there that Jewry, who murdered the prophets and counteract the will of God, will be scattered among the nations, so it is better to leave the Bible out of the discourse about Israel.”[164]

The right-wing daily Magyar Hírlap (Hungarian Daily), and especially its columnist Zsolt Bayer, has published many controversial pieces. Bayer, for instance, blames the global monetary crisis on world Jewry, and more specifically on the “limitless hunger of the Jewish financiers in Brooklyn and Wall Street yuppies, which plunged the American and as a consequence the global monetary world into depression.”[165] In July 2010 Bayer referred to the International Monetary Fund delegation led by Christoph Rosenberg as “the Rosenbergs,” and he referred to the negotiation process as “the Hungarian government’s freedom fight against the Rosenbergs.”[166]

Bayer often uses inciting, hateful language regarding the Middle East conflict as well. In January 2009 he wrote that “Israel admitted the use of white-phosphorous bombs during the Gaza genocide…of course Israel honors and celebrates her Gaza butchers as heroes.”[167] However, Bayer’s possibly most infamous outburst was against Hungarian Jewry. In his opinion “they are our ‘justification Jews’ – their mere existence justifies anti-Semitism.”[168] The article caused a major outcry; over a hundred Hungarian scholars signed a protest letter to the newspaper’s owner, and several organizations and institutions canceled their Magyar Hírlap subscription.

There are several far-right weeklies as well. The most prominent is Magyar Demokrata. It claims that there is no anti-Semitism in Hungary and has “even created a complete theory to discredit the critics of anti-Semitic phenomena.”[169] Demokrata refers to anti-Semitism as an “A-gun, a political weapon used by liberals and leftists. Far more radical is Magyar Fórum. Its editor in chief, the abovementioned István Csurka, publishes Holocaust denial and relativization[170] and other forms of anti-Jewish propaganda, stressing the ongoing Jewish “colonization” of Hungary.[171]

Barikád, Jobbik’s[172] weekly, often evokes the traditional Arrow Cross symbols and discourse in its issues, using inciting graphics[173] and inflammatory language.[174] As noted earlier, in March 2010 Barikád‘s cover showed a huge statue of Bishop Gellért, who Christianized Hungary in the tenth century, holding a menorah on a hill overlooking Budapest. The caption read: “Wake up Budapest! Is this what you want?”

Most of the newspapers and weeklies also have internet editions. The comments, talkbacks, and discussions commonly include anti-Semitic manifestations. Either site managers tolerate these or, simply, there are none, or not a sufficient number to monitor the forums.

Internet sites and blogs are also very popular among the far right and feature anti-Semitic, anti-Roma, and other racist incitement. The most popular sites are, Szentkorona Radio,,,, and dozens of homepages of Jobbik’s local branches.[175]


Throughout history Hungary often played a pivotal role in political and social developments. In 1919 Hungary created the first communist state outside of Soviet Russia. In 1920 a numerus clausus was introduced, the first anti-Semitic law of twentieth-century Europe. In 1956 Hungary carried out the most determined of the revolts against Soviet occupation, and later underwent the fastest and most peaceful transition. Hungary was among the first Central-Eastern European countries to enter NATO and the European Union. And now Hungary seems to be the first EU country to have a strong fascist party in its parliament and representing the country in Brussels.

Through the emergence of Jobbik and other extremist organizations, along with the far-right subculture and media, marginalized extreme-right anti-Semitism became part of the mainstream public discourse. The wave of violence in recent years must be understood within this context. The phenomenon itself requires immediate intervention, while the larger historical perspective gives a worrying picture.

It is important to note, however, that Hungary has a relatively prosperous Jewish community. Hungarian Jewry appears to be enjoying its most flourishing period since the early twentieth century, when Hungary’s Jewish community with its cultural attainments was one of the most outstanding in Central-Eastern Europe.

In September 2010 the Óbuda synagogue,[176] which was confiscated in 1957, reopened. Much of the Hungarian political elite was present at the ceremony including Foreign Minister János Martonyi, Deputy Prime Minister Zsolt Semjén, and former Supreme Court president Zoltán Lomnici, as well as Christian community leaders such as the head of the Hungarian Catholic Church, Cardinal Péter Erdő, and the senior pastor of the Faith Church, Sándor Németh. A few days before this ceremony an Israeli Cultural Center was opened in Budapest.[177]

Also significant is the annual Holocaust memorial event known as the March of the Living. This year, on 18 April 2010, tens of thousands of people took part.[178] The annual Jewish Summer Festival has become one of the major cultural events in Hungary.[179] Relations between the Hungarian and Israeli governments have also been excellent. For example, in the UN General Assembly in 2009 Hungary voted to reject the unbalanced Goldstone Report,[180] which accuses Israel of war crimes in Gaza.


Appendix: Hungarian Media


Magyar Hírlap: quality daily newspaper. Readership: 30,000 Orientation: right. Ownership: Gábor Széles.


Magyar Nemzet: one of the highest-circulation quality daily newspapers. Readership: 65,000. Orientation: centre-right. Ownership: Gábor Liszkay.


Népszabadság: one of the highest-circulation quality daily newspapers. Readership: 80,000-90,000. Orientation: center-left. Ownership: Ringier (Switzerland).


Népszava: quality daily. Readership: 31,000. Orientation: left. Ownership: TGD Intermedia SA (Switzerland).


Barikád: weekly. Readership: 10,000-11,000, Orientation: extreme right. Ownership: Magyar Hírek Kft, a company owned by Csanád Szegedi and Gábor Vona.


Hetek: weekly. Readership: 14,000-15,000 Orientation: conservative-democratic. Ownership: Kft.


HVG: weekly. Readership: 86,000. Orientation: center-left. Ownership: Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (WAZ, Germany).


Magyar Demokrata: weekly. Readership: 30,000-60,000. Orientation: right. Ownership: unknown.


Magyar Fórum: weekly. Readership: 20,000-40,000. Orientation: extreme right. Ownership: István Csurka.


*     *     *



[1] Janos Gyurgyak, A zsidókérdés Magyarországon, Budapest Osiris 2001, 102. [Hungarian]

[2] Ibid., 103.

[3] Michael Mann, Fascists, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2004), 240.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ignác Romsics, A Trianoni békeszerződés, Budapest Osiris 2001, 230. [Hungarian]

[6] [Hungarian]



[9] Tamás Stark, A magyar zsidóság a vészkorszakban és a második világháború után, p. 5, [Hungarian]

[10] Gábor Kádár and Zoltán Vági, Pogromok és rendszerváltások,, 8 June 2008. [Hungarian]

[11] “Kanada és a magyar zsidó menekültek (1956-1957),” [Hungarian]

[12] András Gerő, “Anti-Semitic discourse in Hungary following the change of regime.” In: Anti-Semitic discourse in Hungary 2004-2005, (Budapest: B’nai B’rith Budapest Páholy 2006), 178.

[13] Gábor Kádár and Zoltán Vági, “Pogromok és rendszerváltások,”, 8 June 2008. [Hungarian]

[14] Múlt Kor, “Antiszemitizmus az 1956-os forradalomban,” Múlt Kor, 16 March 2004, [Hungarian]

[15] Gábor Kádár and Zoltán Vági, “Pogromok és rendszerváltások,”, 8 June 2008. [Hungarian]

[16] Ibid (quotation from András Gerő).

[17] Ibid. (quotation from András Gerő).

[18] Karl Pfeifer, “Ágnes Heller im Gespräch über den Antisemitismus in Ungarn,” Jungle World, 26 August 2010, [German]

[19] András Kovacs, “Antiszemita előítéletek a mai Magyarországon, a disszertáció tézisei,”, 11. [Hungarian]

[20] András Gerő, “Anti-Semitic discourse in Hungary following the change of regime.” In: Anti-Semitic discourse in Hungary 2004-2005, (Budapest: B’nai B’rith Budapest Páholy 2006) , 174.

[21] Ibid.

[22] Andras Kovacs, A kéznél lévő idegen – antiszemita előítéletek a mai Magyarországon, Budapest PolgArt 2005, 56. [Hungarian]

[23] Ibid., 57. [Hungarian]

[24] “The identification of Jews with communism is widespread in the political culture, and is used to deny responsibility for national failures and crimes during the fascist period, the war, and the communist period which followed it.” Leon Volovici, “Antisemitism in post-communist Europe: A marginal or central issue?,”

[25] András Kovács, A kéznél lévő idegen – antiszemita előítéletek a mai Magyarországon, (Budapest: PolgArt 2005, 57. [Hungarian]

[26] U.S. Department of State, “Hungarian human rights practices, 1993,”

[27] András Kovács, A kéznél lévő idegen – antiszemita előítéletek a mai Magyarországon, Budapest PolgArt 2005, 60. [Hungarian]

[28] Ibid.

[29] András Kovács, “Antiszemitizmus és a zsidóság vita Magyarországon (1988-1998),”

[30] [Hungarian]

[31] “Nyílt levél Csurka Istvánnak, 1992,” [Hungarian]

[32] Anti-Semitic discourse in Hungary in 2001. Report and documentation, edited by: Andras Gero, Laszlo Varga, Matyas Vince, (Budapest: B’nai B’rith Elso Budapesti Kozosseg, 2002), 243.

[33] Áron Monori, “Old-new prejudices.” In ibid., 306.

[34] Anti-Semitic discourse in Hungary in 2001. Report and documentation, edited by: Andras Gero, Laszlo Varga, Matyas Vince. (Budapest: B’nai B’rith Elso Budapesti Kozosseg, 2002), 228.

[35] European parliamentary elections results, 7 June 2009, [Hungarian]

[36] Hungarian parliamentary elections results, 2010,, [Hungarian]

[37], “Jobbik-program: Kedves Magukfajták!,”, 22 January 2010, [Hungarian]

[38], “A Jobbik lerombolná az RTL Klub és TV2 székházát – video,”, 23 October 2008, [Hungarian]

[39] Édua, “A leleplezett összeesküvés 3.,” Szent korona rádió, 7 February 2008, [Hungarian]

[40], “Jobbik: Nincs antiszemitizmus, de igény volna rá,”, 11 March 2010, [Hungarian]

[41] Ibid.

[42], “Holokauszt nem volt, de igény van rá – A polgármester feljelentést tett,”, 9 March 2010, [Hungarian]

[43] Holocaust-denying graffiti, [Hungarian]

[44] Forum, “Mit szóltok ahhoz, hogy nem volt holokauszt Robert Jan Van Pelt Auschwitz-szakértő szerint?,” “FAQ” forum, comment: 01-06 20:26, [Hungarian]

[45] Szent korona rádió, “Zsidó gyarmatosítás újabb bizonyítéka – héberül énekeltek a csíkszeredai katolikus templomban,”, 28 June 2010, [Hungarian]

[46] JobbikparlamentVideo, “Előd Novák speech,” [Hungarian]

[47] Siobhán Dowling, “Neo-fascist Magyar Garda is ‘Hungary’s shame,'” Der Spiegel Online, 27 August 2007,,1518,502184,00.html.

[48], “Becsület Napja a Hősök terén,”, 9 February 2008, [Hungarian]

[49] List of Pax Hungarica events, [Hungarian]

[50] Video footage of the Hungarian National Front’s memorial for the blood libel in Tiszaeszlár in 2009, [Hungarian]

[51] Michael J. Jordan, “The roots of hate,”, 1 October 2010,

[52] MTI, “Karsai László: az árpádsávos zászló a félelemkeltés eszköze,”, 26 November 2009, [Hungarian]

[53], “Reformrealistákkal cimborálna Gyurcsány,”, 10 September 2007, [Hungarian]

[54] World Jewish Congress, press release, “Lauder and Kantor call on Hungary to ban fascist party,”, 23 August 2007,

[55] Siobhán Dowling, “Neo-fascist Magyar Garda is ‘Hungary’s shame,'” Der Spiegel Online, 27 August 2007,,1518,502184,00.html.

[56] Bálint Ablonczy, “Blood libel,”, 7 May 2009, [Hungarian]

[57], “Vona szerint sokan osztják a zsidózó Draskovics véleményét,”, 17 March 2007, [Hungarian]

[58] Ibid.

[59] Ibid.

[60] 168Óra, “Eljárás két ember ellen a szombati holokauszt tagadás miatt,”, 20 April 2009, [Hungarian]

[61] InfoRádió/MTV, “Morvai Krisztina: Nem leszünk második Palesztina,” InfoRadio, 8 June 2009, [Hungarian]

[62] Adam Kiss, “Tiszaeszlár újratöltve: vérváddal a traubis üzletember, az SZDSZ és az ortodox zsidók ellen,” Hírszerző, 18 January 2008, [Hungarian]

[63] Fürjes Judit, “Interjú Vona Gáborral: Parlament, Izrael, kurucinfó, romák,” HVG, 18 April 2010, [Hungarian]

[64] Áron Monori, Old-new prejudices. In: Anti-Semitic discourse in Hungary in 2001. Report and documentation, edited by: Andras Gero, Laszlo Varga, Matyas Vince, (Budapest: B’nai B’rith Elso Budapesti Kozosseg 2002), 304.

[65], “Tamás Gaudi-Nagy az Interparlamentáris Unió Magyar-Izraeli tagozatában,” Jobbik honlap, 26 July 2010, [Hungarian]

[66] EurActiv, “EP-Választás: a jobboldal diadalmenete,” EurActiv, 8 June 2009, [Hungarian]

[67] Krisztina Morvai, “Hagyják abba a népirtást! – Morvai Krisztina levele az izraeli nagykövetnek,” Barikád, 5 January 2009, [Hungarian]

[68], “A Jobbik az arabok felenyit, Morvait iszlám terroristák bátorították,”, 20 March 2010, [Hungarian]

[69] Attila Novák, “Ezért is kell békét kötnünk – interjú Ahmad Abdelrazekkal, a Palesztin Állam rendkívüli és meghatalmazott budapesti nagykövetével,”, 29 April 2010, [Hungarian]

[70], “Ifj. Hegedűs Lóránt ünnepi beszéde,” bariká, 16 March 2010, [Hungarian]

[71] Ibid.

[72], “Tapsvihar a Jud Süss című antiszemita film vetítésén,”, 14 July 2008, [Hungarian]

[73] Janos Gyurgyak, A zsidókérdés Magyarországon, Budapest Osiris 2001, 324. [Hungarian]

[74] Ibid., 327.

[75] Tamás Papp László, “Simon Peresz és a mélymagyarok,”, 9 November 2007, [Hungarian]

[76] Ibid.

[77] The presidium of the World Federation of Hungarians’ open letter to Shimon Peres, president of Israel, [Hungarian]

[78], “A Jobbik az arabok felenyit, Morvait iszlám terroristák bátorították,”, 20 March 2010, [Hungarian]

[79] Michael J. Jordan, “The roots of hate,”, 1 October 2010,

[80], “A Jobbik az arabok felenyit, Morvait iszlám terroristák bátorították,”, 20 March 2010, [Hungarian]

[81] Anikó Cserép, “Milyen ma Magyarország – Vona Gábor Kiskunfélegyházán,”, 13 March 2010,ág-ma-magyarország-vona-gábor-kiskunfélegyházán. [Hungarian]

[82] Balázs Pásztor, “A Jobbik, a Barikád és a Nyilas-propaganda,”, 17 March 2010, [Hungarian]

[83], “Ébresztő Budapest! Ezt akarjátok?,” Barikad, [Hungarian]

[84] Gergely Csák, “A gumikalapácsos polgármester antiszemita kijelentései,” 168ó, 9 October 2009, [Hungarian]

[85] Ibid.

[86] pogibacsi, “Újabb zsidó felvásárlás hazánkban, 2 milliárd állami támogatással,” Szent korona rádió, 14 July 2010, [Hungarian]

[87] László Lőrincz, Trianon és a zsidók, [Hungarian]

[88] Kurucinfó, “Zsidó nevek mindenütt – Kiknek köszönhetjük Trianont és az azt megelőző borzalmakat?,”, 18 August 2007, [Hungarian]

[89] László Lőrincz, Trianon és a zsidók, [Hungarian]

[90] István Csurka, “A MIÉP trianoni emlékműsora a Turul-szobornál,”, 12 June 2008, [Hungarian]

[91] Ibid.

[92] Kurucinfó, “Zsidó nevek mindenütt – Kiknek köszönhetjük Trianont és az azt megelőző borzalmakat?,”, 18 August 2007,  [Hungarian]

[93] Márton Falusy, “‘Holocaust” –  emléknap a Bazilikában,”, 5 June 2010, [Hungarian]

[94] Ibid.

[95] Ibid.

[96] Index, “Fekete ruhás férfiak megvertek egy roma férfit Táborfalván,”, 28 May 2010, [Hungarian]

[97] János Tódor, “A cigányvadászok: két pszichopata, egy őstulok meg egy balek,”, 8 August 2010, [Hungarian]

[98] Progressive Institute’s survey: Anti-Roma attitudes in Hungarian society, [Hungarian]

[99] Origo, “A történészhallgatók egynegyede antiszemita,”, 13 February 2004, [Hungarian]

[100] Ibid.

[101] Ibid.

[102] Ákos Albert, “A jobbikosok is csak találgatják mit jelent Szegedi cigánytábora,”, 26 August 2010, [Hungarian]

[103] MTI, “A Jobbik kitelepítené a ‘cigánybűnözőket,'”, 24 August 2010, [Hungarian]

[104] László Rab, “Ercsi békét vár, de nem a gárdától,”, 16 July 2009, [Hungarian]

[105] Hírszerző, “Cigánybűnözés – ismét provokál a Magyar Gárda,”, 18 January 2008, [Hungarian]

[106] MTI, “Jobbik call for reintroduction of capital punishment,”, 16 February 2009,

[107] Ibid.

[108] origo, “Jogerős ítélet mondja ki a Magyar Gárda Egyesület feloszlatását,”, 2 July 2009, [Hungarian]

[109] Robert Hodgson, “The Gárda is dead, long live the Gárda,”, 12 July 2009,

[110] Ibid.

[111] NOL, “Színre lép az új gárda,”, 30 June 2010, [Hungarian]

[112] EstiHírlap, “Magyar Nemzeti Gárda avatás leszen,”, 2 July 2010, [Hungarian]

[113] [Hungarian]

[114] [Hungarian]

[115] [Hungarian]

[116] [Hungarian]

[117] [Hungarian]

[118] Hetek, “Terror a szigeten – karikás ostorral várta az újságírókat a Jobbik országgyűlési képviselője,”, 6 August 2010, [Hungarian]

[119] MTI, “A romák szerint megtámadták őket a Magyar Sziget látogatói,”, 6 August 2009, [Hungarian]

[120] spirk, “Tócsákban folyat a fradisták vére a Magyar Szigeten,”, 9 August 2010, [Hungarian]

[121] Ibid.

[122] Karl Pfeiffer, “Terror on the Hungarian Island,”, 7 August 2010,

[123] MTI, “Az ügyészség nyomoz a Magyar Sziget ügyben,”, 14 September 2010, [Hungarian]

[124] Hungary Around the Clock, “Jobbik MP offers Fidesz outside,”, 19 May 2010,

[125] [Hungarian]

[126] Hetek, “Terror a szigeten – karikás ostorral várta az újságírókat a Jobbik országgyűlési képviselője,”, 6 August 2010, [Hungarian]

[127], “Elítélt terrorista tartott előadást a Magyar Szigeten,”, 11 August 2010, [Hungarian]

[128] Hetek, “Terror a szigeten – karikás ostorral várta az újságírókat a Jobbik országgyűlési képviselője,”, 6 August 2010, [Hungarian]

[129] Karl Pfeiffer, “Terror on the Hungarian Island,”, 7 August 2010,

[130] István Dévényi, “Kaka, pisi, Jobbik,”, 10 August 2010, [Hungarian]

[131] TV2, “Magyar Sziget report,” [Hungarian]

[132] bariká, “Irredenta napok a Somlón,”, 11 June 2010, [Hungarian]

[133] [Hungarian]

[134] http://árpádné [Hungarian]

[135] R.Sz., “Keresztény teológusok kritizálják a Jobbikot,”, 6 April 2010, [Hungarian]

[136] Andras Bakos, “Elevenbe talált a körlevél az új pogányságról,”, 26 September 2009,, [Hungarian]

[137] Magyar Hírlap, “Hegedűs Lóránt antiszemita cikke,”, 7 September 2001, [Hungarian]

[138] [Hungarian]

[139] [Hungarian]

[140] Piszkosfred, “Palesztin nap a Hazatérés Templomában,”, 15 January 2009, [Hungarian]

[141] [Hungarian]

[142], “Tapsvihar a Jud Süss című antiszemita film vetítésén,”, 14 July 2008, [Hungarian]

[143] [Hungarian]

[144] [Hungarian]

[145], “Rasszista rigmusok miatt büntették a Honvédot,”, 10 August 2010, [Hungarian]

[146] [Hungarian]

[147] [Hungarian]

[148], “Hungarista tábor: futószalagon vertek rommá 20 embert,”, 22 July 2010, [Hungarian]

[149] [Hungarian]

[150] Eszter Gubicza, “Becsület napja a Hősök terén,”, 8 February 2008, [Hungarian]

[151] [Hungarian]

[152], “Eljárás két ember ellen a szombati holokauszt tagadás miatt,”, 20 April 2009, [Hungarian]

[153] Ági, “Ópusztaszeren tanácskoztak a legfontosabb nemzeti erők,”, 14 June 2009, [Hungarian]

[154] Tamás Bod, “Cél a magyar harcos genetika teljes feltámasztása,”, 19 February 2009, [Hungarian]

[155] Magyar Rádió, “ÁVH! ÁVH! – a Magyar Nemzeti Gárda avatója is botrányos volt,”, 5 July 2010, [Hungarian]

[156] [Hungarian]

[157], “Magyar Gárda: A zsidóknak 2 milliárd ember kell. Csak szolgának,”, 9 March 2009,  [Hungarian]

[158] [Hungarian]

[159], “Harcra kész a Betyársereg,”, 22 December 2009, [Hungarian]

[160] [Hungarian]

[161] [Hungarian]

[162], “Toroczkai jobbikos képviselő lehet, listavezető Csongrád megyében,”, 11 August 2010, [Hungarian]

[163] György Balavány, “Rettegő hatalom,” Magyar Nemzet, 22 October 2007, [Hungarian]

[164] György Balavány, “A Morvay-ügy néhány tanulsága,” Magyar Nemzet, 2 September 2006, [Hungarian]

[165] Zsolt Bayer, Magyar Hírlap, 10 October 2008, [Hungarian]

[166] [Hungarian]

[167] Zsolt Bayer, “Fehérfoszfor,” Magyar Hírlap, 4 February 2009, [Hungarian]


[169] “Shylock, Sharon and the Shoah business.” In: Anti-Semitic discourse in Hungary 2002-2003, ed. János Dési, Tibor Szeszlér, and László Varga, (Budapest: B’nai B’rith Budapest Páholy 2004), 275.

[170] [Hungarian]

[171] Ibid.

[172] “Pörzse, Jobbik’s MP is the editor in chief, while the owners of the publishing company are Vona, chairman of Jobbik and Szegedi, Jobbik’s MEP,” origo, 30 March 2010,,

[173], “Ocsmányság a Barikád címoldalán: válaszúton a Jobbik,”, 14 March 2010, [Hungarian]

[174] Ibid.

[175] [Hungarian]

[176], “Újra megnyílik az Óbudai zsinagóga,”, 6 September 2010., [Hungarian]

[177], “Izraeli Kulturális Intézet nyilik Budapesten,” kultú, 2 September 2010, [Hungarian]

[178], “Hatalmas tömeg az Élet Menetén,”, 18 April 2010, [Hungarian]

[179] “L’chaim, in Budapest,” The Economist, 27 August 2010,

[180] MTI, “Hungary votes in UN against ‘Goldstone’ report on Israel,”, 6 November 2009,